Northern Ghana to the coast ยท The routes behind the castles
The dungeons at Cape Coast and Elmina were the last few hundred metres of a journey that began, for most people held in them, several hundred kilometres north. This is the road they walked, who controlled it, and why British abolition in 1874 did not close it.
Almost everything written about slavery in Ghana treats it as a story about Europeans on the coast. That is half the map.
The savanna towns of what is now northern Ghana sat where two separate slaving networks crossed. One ran north, across the Sahara into North Africa and the Middle East, and had been running for many centuries before a European ship reached this coast. The other ran south to the Atlantic forts, from the sixteenth century onward.
Salaga served both. A captive taken in a raid near Paga could end up in Morocco or in Jamaica, and which one depended on which caravan bought them.
Kola nuts, above all. The northern trade ran on kola from the southern forest, moving north to Muslim West Africa where it was in permanent demand. Also gold, cowries, cattle, groundnuts, salt, cloth. People were one commodity among several, exchanged against kola and cowries, and that ordinariness is the most disturbing thing in the record.
Because it could be raided. The savanna states were decentralised and largely without cavalry or firearms, while their neighbours to the north and south had both. Raiding was not incidental to the trade โ it was the production method.
South and east, to the forest kingdoms and coastal states with access to European buyers, and north to the Sahelian polities. The regions that supplied the people kept almost none of it, and remain by every indicator the poorest parts of Ghana today.
A large proportion of those taken were absorbed into domestic slavery within West Africa โ as farm labour, household labour, and in the armies of the states doing the raiding. The Atlantic was the most documented destination, not the only one.
These were not paths so much as commercial corridors, and their shape was set by who controlled the ground. Four main routes ran from the northern territories down to Kumasi, including the corridor from Wa and Bole to the Asante capital and on to the coast.
From Kumasi and the central markets, the caravan routes ran to the sea:
The map changed in 1874, and the reason is instructive. The British defeat of Asante in that year destroyed Kumasi's military dominance over the north. Provinces broke away, Asante control over the trade routes loosened โ and new routes developed that went around Kumasi rather than through it: down the Volta in the east, and through Abron, Dormaa and Sefwi in the west. The newly independent authorities encouraged them, because of the revenue. Breaking Asante did not break the trade. It redistributed it.
Europeans rarely went inland. They did not need to. The capture, the marching, the holding and the selling were carried out by African polities and merchants, and the Europeans waited on the coast with goods to exchange.
This is not a revisionist point and it reduces European responsibility by precisely nothing. Atlantic demand created the market. The ships, the capital, the insurance and the plantations were European, and the scale was set in Europe. But the supply chain ran on African capture and African sale, and the states at the top of it grew powerful on the proceeds.
A major supplier, moving war captives and enslaved people through Salaga and south to the coast. Asante's expansion and its military strength were bound up with the trade, and it controlled the central corridor until 1874.
Salaga lay in Gonja territory and its market was the northern hinge of the whole system. The northern kingdoms were both raiders and raided, depending on the decade and the neighbour.
In the late nineteenth century, mounted and armed raiders under Babatu and others moved through the Gurunsi lands taking captives on a scale that emptied villages. Pikworo exists because of raiding of this kind. The collective name outsiders still use for those peoples โ Gurunsi โ was Babatu's own coinage.
By 1884 Asante observers noted the trade shifting from Salaga to Krakye, Kpando, Kpong and Accra โ which historians read not as decline but as the multiplication of intermediaries along an expanding axis. More markets meant more people taking a cut, not fewer people being sold.
This is the part of the story that almost never reaches a visitor, and it is the most important thing on this page.
Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807 and abolished slavery in the Gold Coast Colony in 1874โ75, following the defeat of Asante. Every heritage itinerary treats that as the end.
It was not the end. It was a rerouting.
And the British motive was mixed, on their own record. The extension of control into Asante and the Northern Territories was undertaken partly to suppress slave raiding โ and partly to secure free trade and make the colony viable, and partly to keep the French and Germans out. Britain had been long reluctant to expand north precisely because it meant expense with no material gain. Suppression happened where it coincided with interest.
So when you stand at Pikworo and a guide tells you the camp operated until the 1840s, hold that alongside a British officer at Salaga in 1888 counting twenty thousand people a year. The coast closed. The interior did not.
Almost every heritage itinerary sold to visitors begins at a castle. That is the last chapter. Run it in the order people actually walked it and it becomes a completely different experience.
It is a long journey and most people will not do all of it. But doing even the first and the last, in that order, changes what the castles mean. You arrive at the coast having already crossed the country the way the people held there did, and the dungeon stops being the beginning of the story.
Some sources put the transatlantic total at twenty-five to thirty million people. That is badly inflated. The documented figure, from the shipping records assembled over decades, is in the region of twelve and a half million embarked, with roughly ten and a half million surviving the crossing. The real number is appalling enough without inflation, and inflation hands critics an easy dismissal.
How many people passed through Pikworo. How many died on the road to Salaga. How many of those sold at Salaga went north rather than south. These were not recorded, because the people being counted were cargo and the accounts that survive are commercial. Anyone giving you a confident total for the inland routes is estimating.
Pikworo's commonly cited 1704 to 1845 appears everywhere without a source. Site histories across the north compress raiders, decades and resistances into single stories. We flag these where we find them rather than repeating them as record.
The routes, the market towns, the commodities, the political control, and the post-abolition continuation are all documented in colonial correspondence, missionary records, traveller accounts and the historical literature. The bowls are cut into the rock at Pikworo. The pond at Salaga has its name.
Practical details last verified . Route structure, market-town history and the post-abolition record draw on colonial correspondence, missionary reports, traveller accounts and the published historical literature, including the reports of District Commissioner Reginald Firminger resident at Salaga 1887โ89, the observations of L. Wolf in 1889, Basel missionary accounts from Krakye, Nkoranza and Atebubu in 1896, and the George Ferguson treaty missions of 1890โ95. Salaga's founding in the sixteenth-century Gonja kingdom by Ndewura Jakpa and its capture by Asante in 1744 are recorded in the standard histories. Transatlantic embarkation figures are those of the assembled slave-voyage databases. Site-specific dates in the north, including Pikworo's commonly cited operating dates, are received tradition and are identified as such. All photography ยฉ Remo Kurka. Usage strictly by prior authorisation only.
Long before the infamous dungeons of Cape Coast and Elmina became symbols of the transatlantic slave trade, the suffering began deep inland. Across Ghanaโs northern and central regions, a network of inland slave routes connected remote villages, slave camps, and market towns to the coast โ forming a hidden geography of captivity and commerce.

Not strong enough, to be sold? This is, what happened! This is work of African slave hunters!